Author: Kyle Pritchard
Publication Date: 2017
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James Bowman was a purebred cattle herder living on Paisley Road on the western outskirts of Guelph, Writing'over twelve volumes during his lifetime between 1866 and 1944, his diaries are now housed and available for viewing at the University of Guelph McLaughlin Library Archives, including around 240 pages of Bowmant diaries written during the First World War.
What role did a Guelph purebred cattle breeder play in the wartime cattle economy? The war accelerated cattle breeders place in Canada's complex rural hierarchy. Guelph's farmers were expert hobbyists, making a living from the professionalization of exhibition prizes. On July 1914, Bowman and his hired men loaded his animal stock from his farm near Guelph onto his combination wagon and hauled them off to the Grand Trunk Railyard ready to be shipped to the Prairies for his annual trip across the national exhibition circuit. Arriving first at Toronto, they then boarded the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR) heading to Winnipeg, Regina, and Saskatoon. Bowman was the first creator of records for the Aberdeen Angus breed for the Aberdeen Angus Association, and his cattle were among the most prized at local and national exhibitions.' He also owned Clydesdale horses and one of the largest flocks of Suffolk sheep in Ontario. Purebred farmers were at the top of the cattle raising hierarchy. While rising meat costs ultimately provided a profitable source of income to Guelph cattle raisers, the Great War also brought about years of intensive labour, uncertainty and the feeling of 'harder times.'1 Employing a choppy and conversational tone, James Bowman's diaries reveal a day-to-day synopsis of how Guelph farmers sought to improve their financial and social standing, but also how they bound together to create a delicate balance between business, family and community to endure wartime conditions. Using the diary of James Bowman, this project examines the relationship between Bowman's business ties and business identity during the First World War.
Elm Park, home of the Bowman family, purchased by James Bowman in 1895. The property was originally known as Maxwelton when it was built in 1848 by Thomas Sandilands. Elm Park al646 Pusley Road West was designated under the Ontario Heritage Act in 2000. Image courtesy of the Planning Department, City of Guelph.
Bowman had spent several months before his annual trip to Western Canadian cities cutting a deal on stock cars. He also budgeted over $725 in outlays to attend eleven exhibitions over the following year.2 After purchasing the tickets, he and his nephews Harry Bowman and Willie Walker returned to Bowman's large estate, Elm Park. An Italianate- style manor housed Bowman and his family surrounded by 100 acres of livestock, crops, farrow land, and forest. In the weeks to follow Bowman and his nephews spent the days grooming and inspecting the show animals. Harry was Bowman's nephew and lived with them on the farm; Willie Walker was related on his wife's side and helped around EIm Park when he stayed with them during the summer. Before leaving, Bowman wrote in his diary, "I hired Willie Walker to help Harry while we are away in the West at $30 a month"3 That summer, the boys spent the days sowing and cultivating wheat, buckwheat, Potatoes, oats, barley, chard, carrots, corn, rapeseed, turnips, all to be stored to sustain the family with the surplus to be sold in the surrounding area.4
Bowman's travels across the continent's exhibition circuit were highly rewarding, seen here with 'Kyma's Heir' one of his many award winners. Image courtesy of Archives and Special Collections, University of Guelph (XRlMSA737).
In August 1914, the British Empire went to war. Bowman was not expected home for another few weeks. Each time he arrived in a Prairie city he unloaded his cattle at the exhibition ground, entered the shows and competitions for several days, repacked the cattle, and left for the next city on his travels. Coming home was a day-long event. In his journal, Bowman recalls:
...arriving in Toronto about 7.45am, and got ready and came up to Guelph on 9am train. Around home at about eleven am and found all well. Boys and stock arrived about 4pm at Guelph. We got the stock home about dark.5
When Bowman finally returned home almost two months later on August 23rd, over $900 in prize winning cheques awaited him back on the farm.6 With so many soldiers shipped across the sea, and full production on the home front, beef sales skyrocketed. Aberdeen Angus cattle were a hardy breed, well suited for Canada's seasonal conditions. They were also easy feeding and provided tender meat.7
How well does Bowman's diary lend itself to an account of one of Canada's 'farming profiteers?' Adrian Gregory's account of British responses to the First World War argues that despite public speculation, "the real kings of profit-making by 1917 were almost certainly neither retailers nor industrialists, but farmers."8 After, he reports a survey of farmer profits per acre as being 445 percent higher than before the war. There is a need to study the First World War in local terms. As in Robert Rutherdale's groundbreaking work on Guelph, Lethbridge, and Trois-Rivieres' wartime experiences, Canadians understood the impact of societal conditions through their unique localities.6 Douglas McCalla's study of shopping in rural Upper Canada has greatly contributed to understanding rural communities' integration within global networks of trade. His work draws patterns between purchases from general stores across the province, finding that imported goods, luxury items, hardware purchasers were an essential site of exchange with the international market.⁹ Like Bowman's Aberdeen, imported goods were deeply integrated into the rural economy and allowed settlers to preserve cultural and economic ties with the broader British world. In McCalla's study of the economy during the Great War he suggests that profiteering became a systemic phenomenon of the war economy near universally applied to war contractors, but ultimately not attributable to any particular group.10
Margaret Derry has written the most extensive study on cattle exchange in Canada in recent years. In her Ontario Cattle Kingdom, she revises the misconception that the heart of cattle breeding in Canada was the Prairies. Despite CPR marketing pamphleteers saturating Canadians' sense of rural space with images of the West's acres of grain fields and cattle ranches, the reality remained; Ontario was the seat of Canadian cattle breeding. In 1914, Ontario accounted for over half the shorthorn breeders in the country.11 When the war began, mix dairy breeds were all that most Western cattle herders could afford. These scrub cattle were mostly sold on the meat market, snubbed by consumers for their cheap, tough, and inferior eating quality. Agricultural 'experts' attempted to convince Westerners that purebreds could offer superior quality products and greater profits if only they invested in the outlay. Their aim was the removal of old brindle,' the metaphorical replacement of scrubs by purebreds. As the narrative went, old brindle' had done Canada's farmers well, but even the 'sweetest old girls' had to go sometime. Western feeders responded, arguing that purebreds needed to do more than fulfill the interests of exhibition hobbyists. Although they accepted that purebreds were of a higher sort of quality, they were less convinced that purebreds necessarily offered more in the way of herd improvement, and until expert breeders in central Canada made their cattle more accessible to lower income farmers, only wealthier feeders out West found the venture attractive.12 The result was that many Western feeders had difficulty challenging the dominance of Eastern feeders in the cattle trade, it did not best reflect those agriculturalists who fared better financially. Through the cattle cycle, purebred breeders like Bowman often held off on selling their cattle until they birthed a replacement, meaning prices only spiralled. Profiteers came from a diverse range of backgrounds.
James Bowman, circa 1920, Image John and Beveiley Bea, Grandson and Great Granddaughter of James Bowman.
In Margaret Mckechnie's study of the formation of the Federated Women's Institute of Ontario, she outlines how the Farmers' Institute used scientific management to frame the agricultural world around them while putting themselves in a role of authority in the rural hierarchy. Purebred breeders were a part of a broader movement towards the scientific management of rural space. Late-19th century purebred breeders emphasized the role of efficiency, and an obsession with the purity of cattle stock which mirrored the superiority of British people in racial and imperial discourse. Definitions of cattle breeds were constructed around two different purposes. One was the intent to provide the highest quality meat or dairy to consumers. The other was to do so while perpetuating the image of purebreds as the superior show cattle among expert cattle breeders. Bowman was one such expert. He was the authorized inspector for the Aberdeen Angus Association, meaning that in order for cattle breeders to be recognized by the association they had to go through him. Wellington County was the heart of cattle breeding in Canada, and Bowman had been importing Scottish Aberdeen cattle since 1902.13 Britain had extremely high importation standards, meaning Ontario breeders were in an ideal geographic position to act as middlemen in the trade between British purebred exporters and the Canadian West. Exhibition prizes had long been for only the most dedicated breeders. A professional showman, by L929, Bowman had come first at the Canadian National Exhibition I77 times. Ordinary farmers were unable to compete at shows designed for wealthy farmers, with high outlays, who could acquire the best breeds. Bowman's annual trip to exhibitions out west demonstrated the authoritative role of breeders in the cattle community.14
James Bowman was a member of Guelph's Fat Stock Association, associating him with cattle professionals from across Wellington County, image courtesy of Guelph Museum (1976,40.34).
Hand Crafted and Leather Bound: The Material Qualities of James Bowman's Diaries
Each of Bowman's diary demonstrates intricate craftsmanship; tall, leather bound, with ivory coloured pages. The fore edges have rainbow effects, and each has the word 'logbook gold inlaid into the cover. Bowman did the majority of the diary writing. Either Bowman's wife, Mary Jane, or his mother Elizabeth took over while he was away. Bowman had four daughters, Jenny, Bessie, Mary, and Margret, hence relying on his nephews for heavy work around the farm.15 Without being transcribed, one of the greatest physical obstacles of the diaries is the pace they can be read. It is also rare for Bowman to provide enough details to gain a great deal of context at first glance. Often one is left to rely on multiple entries and other materials. A man of few words, Bowman shortens and skips words for quicker entries. His cursive text glides beautifully across the page, but depending on the breadth of his pen, his writing ranges from difficult to illegible. On the whole, his entries are concise, providing only essential information, likely to save time around the farm or to get some reading in after a long day.
Bowman also attached newspaper articles to his diaries when he felt he saw something interesting, In his diary for 1917, two articles of importance to Bowman had been pasted to the front inner cover of the diary. The first, "beating our own record, where a man must forever keep improving upon himself", and the other, "Walking with God", where "He simply found Gods way in the forest and the field, in the market and the home"16 Each illustrates a persona that Bowman used to lead his life. Bowman and his family were devout Methodists, which spurred on his deep commitment to self-improvement. Productivity, increasing one's stock in life, providing for others, and giving back to the community were believed to be pillars to an honest, happy, and religious life. As Bowman was a prohibitionist, 'king alcohol', 'demon rum', and 'the devil drink' were all off the table. He was also the Recording Steward and Trustee member for Norfolk Street Methodist Church.17 When his daughters Jenny and Margret committed to the church midway through the war on May 14th 1916, Bowman wrote down proudly in his diary,
Ma, Jennie, Margret, and I went to class and church. Heard Reverend Linell preach and children and I went to Sunday school and to Mr. Crossley's meeting at Paisley memorial church. Both Margret and Bessie went forward taking their stand as wishing to be Christians. It is very gratifying to see all our children trying to follow the right way.18
At first glance, Bowman appears a typical Methodist cattle breeder from rural Ontario. It's only when delving deep into Bowman's pages that a much more colourful story begins to unfold.
Turning the Empty Page: Social and Financial Limitations to James Bowman's Diary
The primary limitation of diary writing as historical evidence is that the diarist only tells readers what they choose to disclose. There is no asking, only listening. Bowman's family and farming tasks make up the bulk of his writing, though they often lacked a great level of detail. He describes Harry and Willie chopping and piling wood, trimming the sheep, washing the cattle, and threshing and hauling hay and manure. How long they spent on each activity or how much each contributed to the running of the farm is seldom mentioned.
Rural profiteering during the First World War complicates the historical narratives which have conventionally relied on associating manufacturers with wartime plunder.19 Instead, manufacturers were among the most visible and profitable of several profiteers within various social and regional hierarchies. In the back of his books, Bowman scribbled down cattle dealings, exhibition prizes and outlays, and major expenditures. He provided himself with a fuzzy account of his financial state, often one that lacked all the hidden variables of life. Hardware repairs, family purchases, and home improvements were not accounted for in Bowman's day-to-day dealings. Small cash purchasers were assumed a necessary part of life for farmers whose wealth was tied up in property. According to the Canadian Census of 1921, Bowman's income was roughly around $1,500 a year. In contrast, the average Guelph labourer made between $200 and $500, whereas a successful Toronto businessman made anywhere from $2,000 to $5,000.20
Profiteers came from all walks of life. The First World War's complex social restructuring of Canadian society had rapidly increased purebred breeders' importance to the Canadian war effort. Beyond census information, Bowman never mentions his assets in any great detail. He briefly mentions purchasing cattle from time-to-time. Cattle went for between $350 and $750 during the war, with purebreds going for the most. On 24 September 1918, Bowman went to the Fergus Exhibition and managed to sell one of his bulls for $550. A few days later near Toronto, he bought a young bull for $150, an old bull for $250, and sold one of his own for $400.21 The lack of available financial records is the biggest obstacle to discerning the fluctuations of Bowman's bank balance. The entirety of his property¡ including his estate, farm animals, crops, and other assets at any single time is left to speculation. The writings of others in the diary do little to shed greater light on the family's finances. Although Bowman is the one to write most often, others tended to offer even briefer descriptions of the life on the farm when Bowman was away, Instead, readers are forced to assume that Bowman's lavish home expenditures are indicative of extra income.
Bowman's participation in acts of conspicuous consumption and interest in technological improvements were increased as a result of the wartime economy. In March 1914, Bowman went into town to strike a deal on installing electricity and lighting at Elm Park. After two visits, Bowman came home disappointed, saying that the pricing was too expensive. Instead, he settled on building a large veranda, likely believing he could install electricity more cheaply in the coming years. Besides, he believed his family could make more use out of the veranda. And so, from March through to August, Bowman had three different companies aid in its construction. In March, there was Mr. W Frye Colwill, the architect. He finished his design the next month. Next was Mr. Croft, who came by the farm with his men between May and June to put down the foundations. Last was Mr. Hambridge, who did the same, though this time in August to put up the beams. Harry and Willie hauled the gravel and cement for construction, as well as supervising the men while Bowman was away.22 Later in the war, Bowman no longer travelled by horse to distant areas of Ontario, but instead hired Mr. Anderson to take him to Aberfoyle and Barrie in his new car.23 While committed to daily life on the farm, Methodist teachings, and family relations, Bowman still found time away from the farm for prospective commercial opportunities, shows and exhibitions, and business ventures.
Farmer, Businessman and Showman: James Bowman and Rural Business Identities
Farmers like Bowman were businessmen, establishing contracts and secure deals with an interested clientele. In February 1915, Bowman left for Toronto to attend the annual meeting of the Cattle Breeders Association. The streets would have been busy with tall storied buildings towering over him, and more new automobiles than Bowman would have ever seen back home. During the meeting, greater sales, prizes, and profits were Bowman's primary concerns. He was a main backer of the decision to schedule November as the second month for cattle cars to be sent out West. Bowman returned to Toronto again just two days later, this time staying overnight at the King Edward Hotel to attend a patriotism and production meeting.' The large doorway of the hotel gave way to a rounded neoclassical interior. Marble columns in Corinthian-style raised to the ceiling where dozens of Union faces hung from the walls. In the banquet halls, chandeliers hung above white linen tables. Dressed in his best Sunday suit, Bowman sat among Canada's leading government officials, industrialists, and agriculturalists. He was likely familiar with many of them. As he listened to speakers discussing the important role each of them played in doing their part for the British Empire, Bowman was very much a businessman among businessmen. That same year he attended meetings and donated to the Canadian Patriotic Fund, Guelph Agricultural Society, and Guelph's Committee of l00: a community association composed of 100 influential municipal leaders, businessmen, and public figures in the city.
Like here at the 1911 convention of the Canadian Manufacturers Association, The King Edward Hotel ms reserved for the meeting of the country's elites. Union Jack and the Canadian Red Ensign hang from the stage behind. Image courtesy of Library and Archives Canada (R927 1 -5 -2 -E).
Bowman also attended the Guelph Fat Stock Club, which met every few weeks. Meetings and events translated into greater coordination for foods being sent overseas. The rumble of artillery an ocean away strengthened both Bowman's sense of urgency and patriotism.25 Groups dedicated to societal reforms were more proactive during wartime, providing farming communities with the services required to establish contacts and build networks necessary to pursue their business ties.
Bad weather was not enough to break up the band of dedicated cattlemen. The Fat Stock Association cm be seen here outside of Guelph's Albion Hotel for their Winter meeting. Image courtesy of Guelph Museums (2014.84.344).
Bowman had a good financial year in 1915, selling and buying a number of show cattle, along with acquiring a few black Angus to keep for breeding. More good news was on the way as Bowman's meeting with the Cattle Breeders'Association the previous year had been proved a success. The Association began making arrangements with the CPR to sponsor trips out West for that November. Leaving on July 9, Bowman did not return until mid- September, taking 21 cattle and 14 sheep with him.26 As in the previous year, he hired his nephew-in-law Willie Walker to help around the farm in his absence. This time around, Bowman gave his father William $86 in total. On their return, they counted up the cheques, making $830 for the summer trip alone. Bowman made a similar amount the following December, travelling to Winnipeg and the Manitoba Winter Fair in Brandon on his winter trip. On his various winter circuits over the years, Bowman had travelled as far as Ottawa, Sherbrooke and Halifax.27 The result of Bowman's initiative was a greater source of capital for him and his family throughout the war period.
"Pleased and Thankful": A Rural Farmer and Selective Conscription
Throughout the War, Bowman recorded his voting choices for every election, offering a short description as to his reasoning behind each decision. When Samuel Carter, the Methodist, working class sympathizer, and Royal Knitting Company owner led the Guelph mayoral office to run for MPP of South Wellington in 1914, Bowman was sure to travel into town with Harry in order to vote for him.28 Carter won that year and remained in Provincial office until the end of the decade. What could only be described as the most important vote of Bowman's lifetime followed three years later during the Conscription Crisis.
The Fat Stock Association also met for annual meetings, like this one photographed in 1910, to discuss regional and national cattle politics. James is at the front on the far right. Image courtesy of Guelph Museums (2009.32.2957).
Over the war period, 3,300 people enlisted from Guelph, with 219 of them dying overseas. Between February and October 1917, then Prime Minister of Canada Sir Robert Borden announced the formation of the Union Government. Hugh Guthrie, South Wellington's MP for 17 years was one of 17 Liberals to cross the floor of the House of Commons to join the new government.30 By then, 'enemy foreigners which often referred to those who had been Canadians for over a decade, were rounded up and moved to internment camps across the country. In Guelph on 15 May 1915, "all the Austrians, Hungarians, and Austrian-Poles residing in the city were rounded up [that] morning and about fifty of them [were] sent to Toronto [that] afternoon to the detention camp."3l Borden promised exemption for farmers from conscription, which Borden intended to ratify following his re-election in December. Volunteer enlistment had nearly completely declined by the beginning of 1917. In September, the Conservative government had fashioned the Wartime Elections Act, which coupled with the Military Voters Act to ensure the future electorate's loyalty to conscription.32 The Acts allowed for Canadian soldiers to cast their votes in the trenches, enfranchised the nearest female relative of each soldier, and disenfranchised conscientious objectors and 'enemy aliens In October, Borden announced the formation of the Union Government, as 12 pro-conscription Liberal MPs crossed the floor of the House of Commons. In the election two months later, the Union Government won a landslide victory.33
Government policy newspaper, and the local Methodist Church all vied to sway Bowman and the public vote. The Guelph Mercury published maps of the front line during the war; and later, during the 1919 General Strike, one headline declared "Soviet Rule Established at Winnipeg by Striking Unionists"34 Although the Methodist church had supported the war since it began, Borden government went to extensive lengths to sway public sentiment of the need for wartime changes to Canada society and economy. On top of his strong commitment to winning the war, Borden also enacted prohibition across the country in 1916, a policy which garnered party loyalty from teetotalling Methodists like Bowman. Yet by 1918, societal fatigue had taken its toll on the Canadian home front's wartime enthusiasm. Borden's legislation intended to instill fear and panic, to illustrate to political onlookers that the terrors of war could only be ended with victory. In 1917, it is questionable whether it was a fair election.
Many of the sermons Bowman had heard over earlier years had been about wartime conflict. On Sunday 15 May 1915, Bowman and his daughters, fenny and Marguerite went "to Church. Heard Rev Mr. Yates preach on the 'Truth which abides and stands the stress and strain. Going to show that in this world war the truth and right would come out victorious."'35 Methodism did more than solidify adherents' religious convictions. For wartime Methodists, it was the bedrock of small-town community formation, while also allowing adherents a voice to vent wartime gossip. As a rural farmer, whose family was shielded from being called up to the front, he had every reason to vote for Union on 17 December l9I7. The following day, he wrote in his diary, saying "The Union Government got in by a good majority, about 50 members. We are pleased and thankful."36 Only four months later in April 1918, Borden rescinded his government's policy to exempt farmers from conscription under the strain of recruitment shortages.
James Bowman's wartime experiences illustrates that, contrary to some assumptions, farmers could be quite worldly. Where many in Guelph had never left the county, Bowman had more than travelled the continent. The image of profiteering which has most resonated with historians is the top-hatted businessman in a new automobile, or a group sitting around the table while they cut up the prosperity of the nation. Few think of a cattle farmer living with his family on the outskirts of small-town Ontario. James Bowman's diary suggests the kind of unwitting 'farming profiteer. As with all diaries, each possesses its unique limitations. What Bowman's writing lacks in details is made up for in abundance. In total, he wrote nearly every day for 58 years, 37 of his entries are short and to the point; though with each reading comes greater clarity.
Purebred farmers were at the top of the cattle raising hierarchy. They were expert hobbyists, making a living out of the professionalization of exhibition prizes. Influenced by scientific management, they bred cattle with great utility and 'purity.' War still affected those who could keep afloat financially. The Union government favoured farmers' essential to wartime production, and exempted them from some of the burdens of the war. By the end of the war, purebred farming was far more profitable than it had ever been before. The demand for high grade meat in a market of dairy cattle meant Bowman's upscale purebred sales were on the upswing. Western cattle feeders who understood the importance of purebred breeding to consumer markets thought with their bankbooks, and soon realized the profits available with enough outlay. The war accelerated cattle breeders place in Canada's complex rural hierarchy. Diaries are among the most important, but sadly underutilized sources for understanding community and local interpretations of national and international events. The future of Canada's social histories lies with them.
- University of Guelph Mclaughlin Library Archives (UGA), XRI MS A737, Box 2, Vol. 5, Journals of James Bowman, November 27 1912-April 26 1917. p. 113; Box 1, Journals of James Bowman, 1886-1994; Personal Collection of Beverly Krone, Descendant of James Bowman, Elm Park Guelph, 1863-1944 prepared by Bruce T. Bowman, September 2015; and Dawn Matheson and Rosemary Anderson, eds. Guelph: Perspectives on a Century of Change, 1900- 2000. Guelph, Ont.: Guelph Historical Society, 2000. pp. 122-126,
- Library and Archives Canada (LAC), 1921 Canadian Census, District 140, Sub-District 10, p. 13.
- UGA, XRI MS A737, Box 2, Vol. 5, November 27 l9I2-April26 1917. p. 113; and Personal Collection of Beverly Krone, Descendant of James Bowman, Elm Park Guelph, 1863-1944 prepared by Bruce T. Bowman, September 2015.
- UGA, XRI MS 4737, Box 2, Vol. 5, Journals of |ames Bowman, November 27 1912-April 26 1917 . p. I l3; and Box l, Journals of James Bowman, 1886-1994
- UGA, XRI MS A737, Box 2, Vol. 5, Journals of |ames Bowman, November 27 1912-April 26 1917. p. 123.
- Margaret Derry, Ontario\ Cattle Kingdom: Purebred Breeders and Their World, 1870-1920. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001). p. 94.
- Adrian Gregory, The Last Great Wat British Society and the First World War. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,2008). p.225.
- Douglas McCalla, Consumers in the Bush: Shopping in Rural Upper Canada. (Montréal: McGill- Queens University Press, 2015); and "The Economic Impact of the Great War in Canada and the First World War: Essays in Honour of Robert Craig Brown. Edited by David Mackenzie,
1 38- 1 53. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005). p. ru3.
- Robert Rutherdale, Hometown Horizons: Local Responses to Canada's Great War. (Vancouver: UBC Press,2004).
- Margaret Derry, Ontario's Cattle Kingdom. p.91.
- Margaret Derry, Ontario's Cattle Kingdom. pp. 86, 92, 102, 136
- Personal Collection of Beverly Krone, Descendant of James Bowman, Elm Park Guelph, tSO3- 1944 prepared by Bruce T. Bowman, September 2015.
- Margaret Derry, Ontario's Cattle Kingdom. pp.92, 105;andUGA, XRl MS A737, Box, Journals of James Bowman, 1886-1994
- LAC, l9ll Canadian Census, District 134. Sub-District5,p.2;and1921 Canadian Census,
District 140, Sub-Dist¡ict 10, p. 13
- UGA, XRI MS A737, Box 2, Volume 6, Journals of James Bowman, April 2gth l917 _ September lgth 1921. Internal Cover
- Guelph civic Museum (GCM), 2012.68.46, Norfolk street Methodist church service program, 1923; and 1977.117.72, Norfolk St. Methodist Church program, 1924.
- uGA, xRl Ms A737,Box 2, vor. 5, journals of James Bowman, November 27 r9r2-Aprir26 1917. p.234.
- see, for instance, Michael Bliss, A Canadian Millionaire: The Life and Business Times to sir Joseph Flavelle, Bart. 1BS8-1939. (Toronto: MacMillan of canaäa, r978).
- LAC, 1901 Canadian Census, District 126. Sub_District 6, page l5; and 1921 Canadian Census, District 140, Sub-District t0, p. 13.
- As in other cases, Margeret Derry provides the best illustration of wartime pricing of cattle in her Ontario's Cattle Kingdom.
- Frederick Crawford, Aberdeen Angus cattle in canadø.winnipeg: Canadian Aberdeen Angus Association, 1944. p. xvi; and UGA, XRI MS A737, Box 2, Vol. s]Journals of James Bowman, November 27 t9|2-April 26 1917 . p. 234.
- uGA, xRl MS A737, Box 2, vol. 5, Journals of James Bowman, November 27 r9r2-Aprir26 1917. pp.96-1 10.
- uGA, xRl Ms A737, Box 2, vol. 5, Journals of James Bowman, November 27 r9r2-Aprir26 1917. p.78.
- uGA, xRl MS A737, Box 2, vol. 5, Journals of James Bowman, November 27 l9r2-Aprir26 1917. p. ls2.
- UGA' xRl MS A237, Box 2, Vol. 5, Journals of James Bowman, November 27 r9r2-Aprir26 1917. p. 21 l; Bowman makes mention of each of these organizations and to some extent his involvement in it. He typically focused the organization's role on community outreach and as a network of information to keep him involved in local and regional agriculíural events.
- uGA, xRl MS A73i, Box 2, vol. 5, Journals of James Bowman, November 27 1912-April 26 1917. p. 158.
- Frederick Crawford, Aberdeen Angus Cattle in Canada, p. 2g.
- UGA' xRl Ms A737, Box 2, vol. 5, journals of James Bowman, November 27 1912-April 26 1917. p.115.
- The Guelph Evening Mercury, August l5'h l9l4: p. 4; and Dawn Matheson and Rosemary Anderson, eds. Guelph: perspectives on a Century of Change. p. I5g.
- Terry Crowley Agnes Macphail, Canadian Politics, and Guelph politicians." Historic Guelph 31 (1992):32-47. p. 38
- Robert Allen Rutherdale, Hometown Horizons: Local Responses to Canada's Great War. p. r30; and The Guelph EveningMercury,15 May l9l5: p. 1.
- Desmond Morton, A Military History of Canada, r36. and carol Lee Bacchi, Liberation Defined? The Ideas of the English-Canadian suffragists, ig77-i91g. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983), 39.
- The Guelph Evening Mercury, May l0 l9l9: l; and May l grh 1919: p.I .
- UGA' XRl MS A737, Box 2, vol. 5, Journals of James Bowman, November 27 1912 - April 26 1917. p. 174
- UGA, XRI MS A737, Box 2, Vol. 6, Journals of James Bowman, April 28 1917 - September 19, 1921. p. 37.
- Personal collection of Beverly Krone, Descenclant of James Bowman, Elm park Guelph, rg63_ 1944 prepared by Bruce T. Bowman, September 2015